Public banking & sovereign money
Bank of North Dakota, postal banking, the Chicago Plan, and the lawful reform package
Three monetary regimes are possible. Commercial-bank-credit creates ~97% of US money today by issuing loans. Public-bank-credit adds a state- or municipally-owned bank that captures the seigniorage for the public treasury rather than for private shareholders. Sovereign-money — the Chicago Plan revisited — gives the state alone the power to create money, ending fractional-reserve banking entirely. Each regime has a living case, each has a coherent reform proposal, and each makes a different trade-off between decentralization and public capture of monetary rents.
The Bank of North Dakota, in detail
The most underrated institution in American finance is a public bank in Bismarck, North Dakota. Chartered in 1919 by the Nonpartisan League to break the Twin Cities banking grip on North Dakota agriculture, BND has operated continuously for 106 years, profitably every year, returning more than $1 billion to the state general fund over the last decade. It does not compete with North Dakota’s ~70 community banks — it partners with them through participation loans, holding the wholesale side while community banks hold the retail relationship. The arrangement is why North Dakota has the most stable community-bank ecosystem of any US state, the lowest mortgage delinquency rates, and the only state public bank in the union.
BND is the answer to every objection that public banking is inherently incompetent, captured, or politically unstable. It has survived 106 years across populist, progressive, and conservative state administrations, all of which have defended it precisely because the dividend it returns to the state is visible, audited, and electorally legible. The replication template — state mandatory deposit base, wholesale-not-retail operating model, partnership with community banks, transparent annual public dividend — is exactly what California, New Mexico, New York, Washington, Oregon, Massachusetts, and Illinois are working through legislatively right now.
Sovereign money, in honest detail
The Chicago Plan was the 1933 proposal of Henry Simons, Frank Knight, Irving Fisher, Paul Douglas, and the University of Chicago economics department to require 100% reserves on demand deposits — ending the commercial-bank money-creation privilege and concentrating money issuance with the state. It was unanimously endorsed by the leading US economists of the time, including (eventually) Milton Friedman. It did not pass. It was revived by the IMF in 2012 (Benes & Kumhof, “The Chicago Plan Revisited”), tested by the Swiss Vollgeld Initiative in 2018 (failed 75–25 at the referendum but with the entire establishment opposed), and exists in current US legislative form in the NEED Act (Kucinich, HR 2990, 2011).
The honest sovereign-money trade-off is that it eliminates the private money-creation rent (~$700B/yr accruing to commercial-bank shareholders) and dramatically reduces banking-system instability, at the price of concentrating money-creation authority entirely with the state. People who trust the state more than commercial banks read this as a deep gain; people who trust commercial banks more than the state read it as a deep loss. Either reading is defensible; the empirical question is which set of failures (commercial-bank crises and Cantillon effects, vs. centralized monetary mismanagement) does more damage. Reasonable observers land on different sides. Both Chicago-Plan revival and public-banking expansion are inside the lawful reform menu — the menu Lesson 66 turns into a draftable bill.